The Man Who Would Be Gropius
Despite long odds and local intransigence, Omar Akbar is
determined to make the Bauhaus relevent again.
By Hugh Eakin
Photography by Annette Hauschild
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Gropius
and his legendary group, shown on the roof of the Bauhaus Dessau
building in 1926
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There
is a photograph in the collections of the Georges Pompidou Center
in Paris that all students of the Modernist movement will recognize.
The year is 1926, and the place
is Dessau, Germany. A man named Walter Gropius, who seven years
earlier had founded an experimental school under the name "State
Bauhaus," has just finished a new headquarters for his institution.
Standing on the flat-tiled, Spartan roof of the building, a half-circle
of bow-tied men (and one woman) represents what would become the
quintessential twentieth-century art academy. In the center, holding
a cigarette, is the dapper but stern-eyed Gropius himself. Surrounding
him, with all the jollity of an organized crime family, are many
of the other leaders of Germany's 1920s avant-garde: Breuer, Klee,
Kandinsky, Bayer, Feininger, Albers, Moholy-Nagy. With the important
later addition of Mies van der Rohe, who ran the Bauhaus in the
three years before it was closed by the Nazis in 1933, these figures
would exert an influence on architecture and the visual arts that
is still felt today.
For anyone
familiar with the image, the spectacle that took place on the same
roof last September might have seemed like a strange parody. On
an unusually clear afternoon--clear for a polluted, down-at-the-heels
industrial town in former East Germany--an elegantly dressed man
named Omar Akbar was serving Sekt (German sparkling wine) to about
a dozen young artists, architects, planners, and social scientists.
A cameraman from a local television station was there to record
the event; the mood was light, but tinged with excitement. The occasion?
None other than the launching of a new international Bauhaus.
Few of these
men and women had much knowledge of what had happened here in the
1920s, and, with one or two exceptions, none had ever been to Dessau.
(Among them was a sociology student from Freiberg who admitted he
knew more about L.A. doom prophet Mike Davis than the educational
innovations of Gropius.) Akbar himself is a strident critic of the
old Bauhaus school, and Dessau is today a victim of poorly planned
housing developments for the working class, the origins of which
can be traced to the utopian ideas of the movement. In fact, the
idea of bringing international-caliber architects to Dessau to lecture
on visionary topics is, as one Berlin-based scholar of the subject
put it recently, very hard to imagine.
Nevertheless,
on that day, Akbar, who was born in Afghanistan and raised in West
Germany, was confidently heralding a new "interdisciplinary and
transcultural learning experience," one that would feature major
innovators from all over the world. No degree is offered; participants
are meant to be young professionals rather than students. The program's
official language is English, and its scope is the full range of
human, social, and applied sciences. As for the course of study,
it is vaguely conceived as an open exploration of the developed
and developing world. Like an advertisement for an exotic couture
house, the institution's informational pamphlet reads "Dessau-Los
Angeles-Shanghai-Cairo." And all of this is to take place in the
quirky building where Gropius, Breuer, and others preached the Modernist
gospel.
What does this
quixotic project really represent?
Certainly,
Akbar is not someone to be taken lightly. A professor of urban planning
who has a long-standing relationship with the German government,
the 51-year-old architect has an impressive resume of international
development projects. As director of the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation
since October 1998, he runs one of the three German institutions
(the other two are the Bauhaus-Archiv in Berlin and the Bauhaus
Museum in Weimar) devoted to the study of the buildings and works
that were produced by the legendary school. Representing the three
cities where the short-lived Bauhaus was located, these organizations
(which are independent from one another) have gradually developed
historical collections and exhibition programs on different aspects
of the school's legacy.
So when Akbar
set out last year to transform the Bauhaus Foundation from a small
museum and regional institute into a splashy center for the international
avant-garde, it signaled a call to arms in what had been a quiet
world of researchers, collectors, and connoisseurs. Akbar's plans
also met with stiff opposition from the local establishment. Not
only was Akbar seeking to invent a new Bauhaus school that, while
retaining the original's avant-garde spirit, rejected its Modernist
dogma. He was also questioning the relevance of the foundation's
previous work. The ambitious director, who is as critical of the
Dessau regional government's bloated bureaucracy (inherited from
the former East Germany) as he is of so-called Bauhaus Modernism,
quickly drew fire for distancing the foundation from bread-and-butter
development projects in the area. (For much of the 1990s, the foundation
had devoted its resources to an initiative called the Industrial
Garden Realm, a project that was designed to provide a stimulus
for land re-use and economic growth in the rust-belt around Dessau.)
"There are mayors in the neighboring cities of Saxony-Anhalt who
are not speaking to me anymore," he says.
At the same
time, a number of German art critics and Bauhaus specialists started
asking whether Akbar's plans were pedagogically realistic, let alone
politically viable. "It's not a design school. It doesn't have any
of the same personalities," says Peter Hahn, the director of Berlin's
Bauhaus-Archiv. "Who will be Gropius? Who will be Kandinsky?" Last
August, Der Spiegel, the German news weekly, called Akbar "The Director
as Troublemaker" in a two-page spread portraying him as an iconoclast
and revisionist of the Bauhaus legacy. Thus began a battle over
the soul of the early-twentieth-century institution--and what that
institution means today.
The founding
of the Bauhaus Kolleg, as Akbar's new school is officially called,
comes at the height of a broad revival of interest in the Bauhaus.
Not long after the Berlin Wall fell, Western scholars, architects,
and aficionados of the Bauhaus were given, for the first time, full
access to the buildings where the school was housed during its Weimar
(1919-25) and Dessau (1925-32) periods. (The final Berlin period
lasted only six months in 1932-33.) In Weimar, where the Bauhaus
used arts schools that had been designed by Belgian Jugenstil architect
Henry van de Velde in the first decade of this century, this has
permitted a closer study of the institute's initial phase, leading
up to the 1923 exhibition that first put the Bauhaus on the map.
It has also provided a better understanding of the influence of
the Dutch artist Theo van Doesburg, who brought both the austere
lines and the bright chromatic effects of De Stijl to the Bauhaus
in the same period.
Dessau, where
the school moved after political pressure closed its Weimar base,
has become a pilgrimage destination for those thrilled to be able
to see the Gropius-designed building in the post-Cold War era. Before
reunification, a small but well-entrenched campaign to restore and
study the Bauhaus legacy had been under way in East Germany--the
Dessau Bauhaus was added to the country's list of "significant monuments"
in 1974. New attention from the West provided another, more powerful
motive for the cities of Dessau and Weimar to play up their Bauhaus
heritage.
In 1994, the
small research center in Dessau that had taken care of the Bauhaus
building there was given a new public charter and a new name, the
Bauhaus Dessau Foundation. Its stated mandate was "to preserve,
transmit, and study the legacy of the historic Bauhaus, as well
as to contribute to solving the problems of designing today's environment."
(Tellingly, preservation took precedence over solving contemporary
problems.) In 1995, a modest but important collection of Bauhaus
material belonging to the State Museum of Thuringia in Weimar was
given its own building by the city, becoming the Bauhaus Museum.
Then, in 1996, the University of Weimar, a state architecture and
engineering school that had recently branched out into art and design,
was rechristened the Bauhaus University. That same year, UNESCO
designated the buildings used and designed by the Bauhaus in Weimar
and Dessau as World Heritage Sites--an action that gave international
support to expensive restoration projects now taking place in both
towns.
The revitalization
of the original Bauhaus buildings coincided with the emergence of
new historical interpretations of the school. The conventional understanding
of the Bauhaus in the West was profoundly shaped by the (self-serving)
views that Gropius and Mies brought to the United States in the
1930s. In this oversimplified account, the Bauhaus was portrayed
as a rigidly coherent, seamless aesthetic movement. It was presented
both as a new kind of interdisciplinary education and as the originator
of the so-called functionalist architecture that would be endlessly
copied across the American landscape. (And, to some extent, in Europe:
It was this sort of building that was "reintroduced" to West Germany
in 1950s development.)
By the 1960s,
Philip Johnson, who had once coined the phrase "International Style"
to champion the Modernist idiom, was beginning to criticize its
pervasiveness. In 1981, the hegemony of "Bauhaus style" was so complete
that Tom Wolfe, in his vitriolic From Bauhaus to Our House,
could blame it for stifling the development of a true American school
of building.
The picture
emerging now, however, is strikingly different. As some German scholars
have long emphasized, the Bauhaus was not primarily a school of
architecture. Mies's celebrated Barcelona Pavilion and Tugendhat
House, for example, preceded his entry into the Bauhaus. And the
few buildings designed by its members, including George Muche's
experimental Haus am Horn (1923) in Weimar and Gropius's Bauhaus
Dessau building, were much more flawed than previously thought.
(The "functionalist" window-mounted radiators on the latter are
so ineffective that in winter, staff members wear long underwear
and extra socks indoors.) As for art, design, and interior architecture,
most of the Bauhaus output was characterized not by the production-line,
black-and-white minimalism popularly associated with it, but rather
by bright swatches of primary colors--some of which have resurfaced
on the old walls of the Weimar and Dessau buildings--and largely
aesthetic "pseudo-industrial" features: handcrafted chairs made
with aluminum tubing; futuristic door handles; stainless steel tea
sets that played on basic cylindrical forms but required painstaking
hours of craft. In fact, aside from the little-studied directorship
of the Swiss socialist Hannes Meyer (1928-30), who briefly turned
the Bauhaus into a profit-making enterprise with more practical
industrial products, the school was unsuccessful in mass-producing
its designs.
In the midst
of these revelations, new scholarship has shown the Bauhaus to have
been a conflict-ridden organization that was as often marked by
a cult-like atmosphere, infighting, and politics as by revolutionary
teaching methods and great art. As Elaine Hochman, author of the
recent Bauhaus: Crucible of Modernism, says, "There was a grave
variance at all times between what the Bauhaus said and what it
was doing--almost from one day to the next." A number of German historians,
meanwhile, have argued that many of the innovations ascribed to
the school actually originated elsewhere. "In America, the Bauhaus
is still portrayed in isolation, as is all of Modernism," says Magdalena
Droste, an art historian and former Bauhaus- Archiv scholar. "But
a lot of what is still considered eBauhaus Style' came from the
Dutch and from Le Corbusier."
All of which
raises fundamental questions about what it means to reestablish
an "authentic" Bauhaus today. Sitting in the room where Gropius
once presided over his students, Omar Akbar is quick to tell you
he holds no illusions about his larger-than-life predecessor. "Teamwork?
Forget about teamwork. Gropius ran it as a dictatorship," he says.
"Many conflicts and controversies were glossed over." As for the
criticisms of "Bauhaus" Modernism, Akbar agrees that the version
of the school exported by Gropius and Mies had a pernicious effect
on cities around the world. "They destroyed the urban fabric," he
says.
Despite Akbar's
problems with Gropius's legacy, he felt that the contemporary Bauhaus
Foundation represented a rare opportunity to create a new kind of
avant-garde institution. Its previous directors, he believed, had
mired the foundation in local concerns. As a professor of architecture
and urban planning since 1993 at the Saxony-Anhalt School of Applied
Sciences, which sits across the street from the Bauhaus in Dessau,
he had firsthand experience of the foundation and its provincial
orientation. "Before I came, it was completely involved in the region,
in local politics," he says. The institution's primary accomplishments
were the restoration of the Bauhaus building and the Industrial
Garden Realm project for the industry-scarred landscape around Dessau.
As for educational programming, the foundation had offered a children's
workshop, training for amateur community artists, and the occasional
Bauhaus symposium with outside scholars. "What did this have to
do with the Bauhaus?" asks Akbar.
Noting the
untapped potential of the Gropius building and the Bauhaus name,
Akbar applied for the vacant directorship in 1998. He was the only
one of six finalists who proposed going in a radically different
direction. "I said, eThis doesn't work. You've got a piece of gold;
you've got to use it,'" he recalls. His ambition to transform the
place into an elite center of study for professionals in the fields
of art, architecture, and design caught the attention of the foundation's
board of trustees, who were eager to raise the institution's profile.
As Akbar explains, he does not merely want to make the foundation
recognized across Germany or even Western Europe. He intends to
host seminars and lectures by the world's leading avant-garde architects,
designers, and artists--people like Peter Eisenman, Zaha Hadid, or
even the video and installation artist Rebecca Horn. "I want to
have the superstars of the next generation," he says, without a
hint of exaggeration.
The idea of
a Kolleg had emerged before Akbar's arrival, but not on the scale
that the new director envisions. Previously, each of the 20-odd
staff members had worked in one of three branches--Collection, Workshop,
or Academy--and often on unrelated projects. As Akbar now planned
it, the three branches would continue to exist in name, but would
share tasks, with the Kolleg acting as a kind of central forum.
More jarring,
however, was his desire to sideline the foundation's curatorial
work and historical study. For Akbar, the material legacy of the
1920s--the lamps and chairs, furniture and buildings--is ancient history.
"That is over," he says. "We have to look forward. We have new problems,
a new context." With his development background, Akbar sees the
decline of the urban environment and the lack of socially and aesthetically
responsive planning as the most pressing problems in architecture
today.
To an institution
that prides itself on presenting the Dessau Bauhaus to today's public,
Akbar's shift away from history and his no-holds-barred restructuring
have seemed tantamount to high treason. How can such a carefully
restored building, Bauhaus scholars ask, be converted into an as-yet-unproven
teaching experiment? Along with the three master's duplexes and
other structures built by the school, the main Bauhaus building
now qualifies as the city's primary cultural attraction. Thus, the
argument goes, the facility should devote itself to showing how
the original school functioned in Dessau and explaining the current
historical debates.
Akbar responds
that the Dessau Bauhaus is not suited to be a museum. From its glass-curtain
wall to its continuous air spaces and oddly shaped studios and workshops,
the building was structured specifically as a working space, and
it contains none of the features appropriate to an exhibition hall.
More fundamentally, he argues, Gropius would never have wanted it
to be a shrine to the past. "The Bauhaus was only one thing: a program,"
Akbar says. By reviving the building's original purpose as an avant-garde
school of art and ideas, he feels he is coming closer to the original
spirit of the Bauhaus than any historical re-creation of the 1920s
workshop could. "We have a program and the name," he says. "This
is what we can do, what we have to do, and what we will do."
Akbar has not
pulled any punches in implementing his ideas. Since the foundation
is state-funded and most of its employees have tenure for life,
it will be several years before he can shape the staff entirely
to his liking. Still, he has already been able to make some changes.
"I had to get rid of some people; that was a bit of a problem,"
he says. "There is no room for the old mentalities here. They will
leave, or adapt and take the opportunity to work with us."
Flamboyant and
outspoken, Akbar seems at first glance a surprising choice to head
an institution that depends to such a large extent on local and
regional support. Born into a family of Kabul aristocrats close
to the Afghani government and educated, from age 12, in Stuttgart,
the West German economic powerhouse, Akbar does not mask his contempt
for the provincial debates of still Ost-oriented Dessau. "[The politicians
and the bureaucrats] have their way here, and sometimes they are
not straight," he says. Despite a facility for bending the system
to his own purposes, he finds it directly at odds with the clear-cut
rules of market capitalism that he grew up with. "In the West, it's
a different game. You win or you lose."
Akbar was always
taught to win. Raised in a household frequented by scholars, intellectuals,
and government ministers (his own father held cabinet posts in the
1960s), he quickly learned that the family name meant something
and gained the self-confidence that would eventually help propel
him to the heights of Germany's establishment. Meanwhile, he was
nourished by the broad diet of Western literature and history that
has distinguished him from more technically minded colleagues. (Later,
when he taught his urban planning course at the Saxony-Anhalt University,
he would tell his students at the beginning of the term to put away
their textbooks and read Victor Hugo's descriptions of Paris. "There
were too many course books and rules," he says. "I wanted vision
and ideas. Sometimes, I would teach a class outside in the street,
and passersby would join in. This was the kind of dynamic I was
looking for.")
After his widowed
father married a woman in Stuttgart, Akbar moved to the city, spending
the rest of his adolescence in an entirely German environment. Following
a brief stint in acting school, he went to Berlin to study architecture,
where he became interested in social issues and development. He
wrote a dissertation on urbanization in India and other areas of
the third world. Soon he was working for the German government's
international development agency, for which he led projects in such
countries as Egypt, Yemen, and Gambia.
Despite having
taught in Dessau for several years, Akbar's cosmopolitan background
has cast him as something of a perpetual outsider in the inward-looking
city. "I've had people refer to me as an Iranian, a Turk, an Arab--even
when they know my true background," he says. Adding to this hostility
is the sense that the Bauhaus Foundation itself is an over-subsidized
island in a culturally vacuous city. Although Akbar keeps a small
flat in Dessau for when he works late, he, like many on his staff,
prefers to make the 90-minute commute from Berlin.
In contrast,
Akbar has won strong political approval outside of Dessau for his
project. He has been particularly adept at canvassing support from
the state of Saxony-Anhalt, which alone supports the new Kolleg,
and from the federal government, which funds 50 percent of the other
branches of the foundation (the remaining 45 percent comes from
the state, with 5 percent being contributed by the city). "He knows
how to deal with people and money," says Henning Brunning, who is
assisting Akbar in coordinating the Kolleg. These skills will become
increasingly important in the coming years. The German state is
gradually cutting back cultural funding across the board, and the
$5 million-a-year foundation will have to rely increasingly on fund-raising
and private sponsorship. Already, the Kolleg has been able to get
funding for a number of scholarships to cover its modest tuition
fee. All advanced study has traditionally been free in Germany,
so financial aid is a crucial drawing card, even for practitioners
currently earning money in the field.
It remains
to be seen whether Akbar will have similar success in establishing
an international reputation for the institute. As any architecture-
and design-school administrator will tell you, it's not easy to
launch a new institution in 1999 on any scale, let alone one of
the caliber that Akbar is aiming for. "The problem in Dessau is
that Dessau is no school," says Gerd Zimmermann, president of the
more traditionally structured Bauhaus University in Weimar. "It's
a cultural foundation. They get money from the state and from the
federal government, but it is not a school."
The Bauhaus
University, by contrast, is using its established position as a
state architecture school to develop an international reputation
under the Bauhaus banner. It has developed an innovative department
of Gestaltung (art and design)--albeit within the parameters of a
conventional degree program--and is beginning to network with other
institutions in Europe and the United States. Although Zimmermann
acknowledges that the Bauhaus name is above all a great marketing
tool for the university, he also likes to think of it as a "metaphor
for the modern bringing together of art and technology" that takes
place there.
Nevertheless,
the experimental quality of Akbar's Bauhaus Kolleg may give it the
flexibility to become something that such rivals as the Bauhaus
University cannot. Calling the Weimar school a conventional program
to train professional architects, Akbar stresses the uniqueness
of the Kolleg's approach. "Fortunately, in Germany we don't have
any similar institutions with which to compete," he says. Unconstrained
by a degree-oriented course of study or even by a specific set of
disciplines, the Kolleg can adopt any number of creative ideas,
approaches, and solutions to problems in the urban environment.
By serving professionals rather than students, the Kolleg can structure
itself as a research institute, which carries more prestige than
a simple school. (Akbar also plans to create a biennial international
prize to increase the foundation's stature abroad.) As a small program--Akbar
sees its ideal enrollment as 25--it can offer a level of collaborative
group activity, mobility, and engagement that gets lost at larger,
more technically oriented institutions.
With the Kolleg
in its inaugural academic year (there was an unofficial pilot program
in the spring of 1999), Akbar still has a lot of questions to answer.
For one, it remains to be seen what kind of results can emerge out
of such a loosely defined program. This year's theme is "Sprawl,"
and the opening weeks of the first trimester were spent discussing
approaches, talking to outside planners and architects, making individual
excursions to nearby Leipzig--and also just determining what the
Bauhaus means and what the Kolleg can do. John Powers, a Berlin-based
American artist and one of two foreigners among the first 12 participants
in Akbar's program (the other is an art historian from Belgrade),
calls the Bauhaus "a global icon" and the program "a think tank
of the twenty-first century." But when asked what about the Kolleg
is specifically Bauhaus he says, "We're still working that out."
In the end,
Akbar seems to be less intent on bringing about a revival of the
Bauhaus than in carrying out its unfulfilled mythic goals: the great
coming together of the disciplines; the breaking down of the master-student
relationship; the union of art and technology; the creation of a
utopian learning environment in which the living space is the working
space and vice versa.
"What I want
is to understand the views of artists in respect to certain questions,
and sociologists in respect to the same questions, and so on," says
Akbar, making it sound simple. "Bring together different points
of view, figure out how to solve problems. That's what I want."
As the sun
sets and Akbar's office grows dark, he pauses to turn on a light
and looks contemplatively at the back wall. Despite his lack of
patience for the historicists, he confesses that he hopes one day
to reconstruct Gropius's studio--the Bauhaus "command center"--as
it originally was. "But the problem is, there are no photographs,"
he says. "No one really knows what that side of the room looked
like." |