Muscovites find the joys of buying and selling
at their local pavilions, not the upscale new malls.
by Jim Curtis
Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov, who understands the value of PR as well
as any Western politician, has just hosted an elaborate celebration
of the 850th anniversary of Moscow's founding. For the better
part of 1997, the great city organized special concerts, exhibitions,
dances, and other events. The festivities concluded in September
with a grand theatrical performance, folk dancing at Kolomenskoye,
a seventeenth-century architectural complex, and fireworks at
the city's biggest stadium.
All this didn't mean a lot to the average Ivan and Ludmila, though.
They were a lot more interested in finding clothes that would
fit the kids, fresh vegetables for dinner, and a good tape to
watch on the new VCR. But when Ivan and Ludmila go shopping, they
don't to the Actor Galleria, a new upscale mall in the heart of
downtown. They go to their local kiosks and trading pavilions.
These small, utilitarian buildings--or "nonstationary sites," in
Russian legal jargon--are the most visible evidence of the new
commercial order in Moscow. High-profile, high-profit companies
(the city now boasts more than 200 ad agencies) have snapped up
almost all of Moscow's offices, leaving small businesses out on
the street--literally. Prefabricated and semipermanent, kiosks
and pavilions have provided a quick fix for Moscow's critical
shortage of commercial space.
These small buildings crowd around virtually every metro station,
selling everything from frozen food to jeans to rubber duckies,
creating a hurly-burly, catch-as-catch-can atmosphere of buying
and selling and negotiating. The latest European techno-pop is
usually blaring from tinny loudspeakers; kids are hanging out;
and housewives who need to make every ruble count in an inflationary
economy circulate, comparing the prices and quality of goods.
It is a scene very much like that of Delancey Street in turn-of-the-century
New York.
About the size of glorified ticket booths--rarely more than six
feet by 10 feet--kiosks are open, modest affairs made of plywood
or some light, synthetic material. They are usually rented by
people selling small items like shoe polish and toothpaste or
produce from the truck farms around Moscow. Pavilions, on the
other hand, are usually prefabricated structures, made of heavy
plastic and sheet metal panels. Pavilions are more like "real"
stores--grocery stores in them usually have frozen food cases,
for example--and are often clustered together in what Russians
call "trade associations" (and what Americans would call a strip
mall).
No one knows just how many of these impromptu shops exist in Moscow,
though city officials are no doubt making brave efforts to keep
track of them. New ones appear every day, just as old ones disappear;
in a city with over 8 million people, there are surely several
thousand of them.
But while their numbers may be hard to determine, Mayor Luzhkov
and his colleagues on the city council have done their best to
regulate and control this new presence on Moscow's streets--at
least as much as anyone can. Their principal instrument is a resolution
of the Moscow City Council passed in early 1996, now trailed by
many minor amendments. The resolution, with its various subsections,
offers some unexpected insights into the mind-set of post-Soviet
Russia.
To open a kiosk, one must obtain a permit from the administration
of the raion, or precinct, in which it is to be located. A sketch
of the proposed structure, however modest, must be included in
the application, as well as a fee for the clerk who processes
it. There's more to it than this, though; so many Muscovites want
to open kiosks that the city has mandated a bidding process. A
special commission examines all the bids for a given location
and accepts the highest one--in principle, anyhow. In keeping with
Russia's ancient tradition of bureaucratic corruption, money no
doubt changes hands under the table, and friends of commission
members often turn out to have the highest bid. Needless to say,
no one is willing to talk on the record about such matters.
Since by law the kiosks and pavilions are located in public spaces,
the city is able to charge rent. The payment is determined by
such criteria as location and goods sold, as well as the extremely
vague standard of "social significance"--surely a carryover from
socialist thought. In the Soviet period, social significance meant
anything the authorities wanted it to mean; the Bolshoi Theater
could have as much social significance as a hydroelectric power
station or a shoe store.
Many other kiosk matters are regulated by law--laws that owners
of comparable small businesses in America would consider an infringement
of free trade. As opposed to the chaos of Main Street that Robert
Venturi finds "almost all right," Beaux-Arts uniformity remains
the order of the day for Moscow's planners. Thus, the first goal
of the city's kiosk resolution is "the establishment of a single
order for the... deployment and further use of nonstationary
sites." It's this official pursuit of a "single order" that has
led Moscow's government to require an "even distribution" of goods
and services throughout the city, though just how that will be
achieved has never really been explained. The city has also mandated
the gradual removal of all businesses that sell audiotapes, spare
parts for cars (a very big business in the new Moscow), liquor,
and food. But liquor is sold on just about every street corner,
and even small pavilions have frozen food sections.
But why does Yury Luzhkov, who is said to have presidential ambitions,
care where people buy and sell car parts? The city's overreaching
regulations are not just a legacy of the Soviet obsession with
micromanaging everything that moved, though that is certainly
part of it. But the answer also goes further back in Russian history.
Ever since the reigns of Peter the Great and Catherine the Great
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Russian government
has been trying to regulate the appearance of its cities and the
trade conducted in them. And for centuries, administrators attempted
to meet the challenge of governing the enormous, sparsely populated
expanses of their country by imposing uniformity on them.
The kiosks themselves have abundant precedent in the city's history;
except for the Soviet period, Moscow has always been a city of
trade. So it's not surprising that the return of kiosks to the
streets has been accompanied by the return of other Moscow traditions,
including the reappearance of St. George, the patron saint of
the city. These days, St. George can be seen everywhere--on the
city's coat of arms at City Hall, as a statue in the new Victory
Park, on the logo of an insurance company, and on huge billboards.
In their different ways, St. George and the kiosks are satisfying
some of the needs the Soviet government ignored. At the kiosks,
Russians' longstanding consumer hunger is gradually and partially
being sated. And around the city, the new, ambiguous images of
St. George--are they religious symbols or secular decorations?--are
addressing something deeper, the need to make connections between
the present and the prerevolutionary past.
Indeed, Russians need to figure out where they've been in order
to figure out where they're going. But they are finding it extremely
difficult to do so. Repeatedly, the Muscovites I've met express
bewilderment when they contemplate their country's history. So
much has happened to them, so rapidly, that they cannot assimilate
it all. When asked about this or that odd aspect of Russian life,
a friend often says, "Russia is a land of miracles," and lets
it go at that. As for the average Ivan and Ludmila, their comments
are usually limited to expressions of delight at the astonishing
availability of goods (kiwi fruit in Moscow!), as well as shock
at the prices of those goods.
Although they may seem modest to Americans accustomed to megamalls,
the kiosks and pavilions on the streets of Moscow are evidence
of a new kind of revolution. Although their goods are still relatively
expensive, they have the potential to do what the Communists could
never do in seven decades of misrule--satisfy the ordinary needs
of ordinary people. |
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